That Coup in the North and the Federation Account, by Yushau Shuaib
The terrifying videos were not from Hollywood movies but scenes from Northern Nigeria during the #EndBadGovernance protest. The so-called protesters invaded a Government House, vandalised public facilities, looted an ICT training centre, carted away a Police station signpost, invaded banks, destroyed a mosque, hijacked a Personnel Armour Carrier, flew foreign flags, sought foreign intervention, and chanted “Yara Me Kuke so; Wiwi Mukeso!” in Hausa. The latter means, “Children, what do you want? Cannabis (marijuana) is what we want!”
The ‘protest’ in the North is akin to a coup targeted at Arewa leaders. As a Northerner, I feel ashamed to be represented by these scenes displayed by our children and youths. However, this is not the first time such incidents have occurred in the region. The only difference this last time was that there were no reported mass killings, unlike similar past incidents.
In my article, “Killing in the Name of the Devil” (https://yashuaib.com/2006/03/killing-in-the-name-of-the-devil/) written after a similar act of riotous protest in Maiduguri, Borno State, in 2006, I pointed out that the marauders’ acts of violence were not in the name of the Almighty God or any just cause, but they were enacted in the name of the devil, and as possibly influenced by undesirable godfathers, selfish elites, drug addiction, illiteracy, and endemic poverty. Today, Borno State is regarded as the epicentre of terrorism in Nigeria.
Rather than protesting injustice and the lackadaisical attitudes of their leaders, the people in the North often condone the excesses of their elites. When the massacre of the Shi’ites, including pregnant women and kids, by soldiers, occurred in Kaduna in December 2015, many young miscreants sought recourse in looting the corpses on the streets and the assets of the victims. Yet, the Arewa elite and the youths kept silent, without any protest, because the then Nigerian President and principal security chiefs were Northerners. Kaduna today hosts the dens of kidnapping kingpins and is the location of recurrent ethnic flares of violence.
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The people never protested against terrorism in the North-East, banditry in the North-West, or the farmer-herder conflicts in the North-Central. They never protested over the endemic corruption of the political leaders, especially governors, who receive billions of naira from the Federation Account and utilise a chunk of these to address the relentless insecurity in the region through the so-called security votes.
I often wonder about the correlation between security challenges and security votes as they grow together like the Siamese twins. Insecurity has become a booming business in Arewa for the perpetrators and the humanitarian groups and actors, with international bodies and Non-Governmental Organisations competing for space to exhibit their concerns as they concentrate substantial financial resources on programmes in those areas.
Yet, the activities of undesirable elements, including riotous protesters, have deterred local entrepreneurs from investing in the region for fear of disruption and the destruction of their businesses. Even the wealthiest Northerners would instead invest elsewhere than in the region.
Consequently, there is a widening gap between the Northern and Southern states regarding development. For instance, in the last Annual State Viability Index (ASVI) (https://economicconfidential.com/2023/12/asvi/) produced by Economic Confidential, Lagos generated more revenue than all the 16 Northern states combined in 2022, with its internally generated revenue (IGR) of N651 billion constituting 176 per cent of its receipt from the Federation Account of N370 billion. Even a neighbouring state, Ogun, generated an IGR of N120 billion, 106 per cent of its federal allocation of N113 billion.
Most states in the North, especially where the so-called hunger protesters were calling for a coup and foreign interventions in domestic affairs, hardly generate 20% of what they collect from the Federal Government as internally generated revenue. For instance, Kano, which received N226bn from the Federation Account in 2022, generated N42.5bn internally, translating to 18.7 per cent of the Manna from Abuja. Similarly, Katsina, the home state of the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari, only made an IGR of N13bn after it collected N165bn from the Federation Account, which translates to less than 8 per cent of the free money from the central government.
As a panellist at the Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism (WSCIJ) discussion on matters of Local Voices, I underscored the pivotal role of the media and citizens in upholding accountability among state governors and local government authorities concerning the substantial resources they receive monthly from the central government.
With references to Northern states, I disclosed how billions of naira are allocated to each state while their local governments (LGs) also receive hundreds of millions of naira in monthly disbursements from Abuja. I cited the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) distributions in June 2024 as example: Borno State received N10.8 billion, while its 27 LGs shared an additional N8.7 billion; Kaduna State collected N12 billion, while its 23 LGs received N9 billion; Kano State was given N15.4 billion, whilst its 44 LGs received N15.3 billion; and Katsina State got N11.4 billion, whereas its 34 LGs shared N11 billion among themselves.
Each state’s local government received over N300 million monthly, some exceeding N400 million. Given these substantial monthly allocations, the protesters and rioters must be aware of the humongous releases to their respective states.
With the statutory financial interventions, it is pathetic that the Arewa region still accounts for high poverty rates (over 70% of the population living below the poverty line), High unemployment and underemployment among youth, Low Human Development Index (HDI), Low literacy and education levels, especially among girls and high food insecurity, particularly in conflict-affected areas.
Despite being richly endowed with natural resources, the region fails to capitalise on its various potentials. With vast agricultural land and livestock, the North can provide food security for the nation. Its hydroelectric power and solar energy potentials can drive industrialisation. Its forests and mineral resources offer significant tourism opportunities to attract foreign investment. However, some communities remain ungoverned and vulnerable to non-state actors because our leadership prioritizes political patronage over empowering the youth with modern skills.
We must acknowledge some notable peaceful protesters, like a young lady whose heart-wrenching testimony in a video at the hunger protest moved me deeply. Severely hungry, sick, and unable to afford food or medication, she spoke out for many suffering in silence while appealing to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to hear their voices and act.
Despite efforts by NSA Nuhu Ribadu, CDS Gen. Chris Musa, Information Minister Idris Malagi, and others to contain the recent hunger protest, there are concerns that future agitations may be spontaneous and unpredictable, catching authorities off guard.
Northern leaders must, therefore, be advised to address insecurity, harness regional resources for economic growth and reduce overdependence on oil revenue. Rampant oil thefts and volatility in other mineral-producing regions highlight the need for proactive measures to ensure stability.
What would happen if the Federation Account allocations to states were stopped or a conflict broke out that prevented the extraction and production of oil in the country?
Yushau Shuaib is the author of “Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies.”
www.YAShuaib.com
Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com
